“In the first 12 months, reconstruction led to the most emissions due to the fact that most of the damage to civilian infrastructure (buildings, hospital, roads etc) happened in the first weeks/months of the war. The rate of damage (and hence emissions) slowed down in the second and third year due to static frontlines,” De Klerk said.
“Warfare is almost linear over the years as fossil fuel use is the major contributor to warfare emissions and rather constant. Another contributor, ammunition use, has varied over the months but has a much smaller impact on total warfare emissions.
“Energy infrastructure emissions were very much impacted by the one-off Nord Stream event in September 2022. The damage to local infrastructure in the second and third 12-month period therefore did not translate into significant growth of the total.”
Civil aviation emissions, which included extra emissions as a result of aircraft having to avoid the war zone, were mostly linear with time, and emissions from refugee movements also mainly occurred in the first year of the conflict, De Klerk said.
He and his collaborators pulled together their findings from a range of sources including official Ukrainian government data on the destruction of civilian infrastructure, FlightRadar records of civilian aircraft movements, and satellite data on the extent of wildfires across the conflict zones.
It was the military emissions data that was the most uncertain, he said, “because the militaries are not willing to share information”. For those figures, De Klerk and his team used proxy values for the amount of fossil fuel used by the average soldier and data they were able to scrape together on fuel shipments from Russia to the frontlines.
De Klerk said he had already started broadening his investigations beyond the Ukraine war. He said: “These conflicts and these wars – it’s not only Ukraine but it’s also Israel, and what we’re seeing happening between the US and China – mean that investment in the military is steeply going up, and they are responsible for about 5.5% of world emissions – the military themselves and the military industry.
“But if we’re going from 2% to 5% spending [on the military] then probably these emissions will double at least … At some point that 5.5% will become 10%, will become 20%. Just imagine what an F-35 uses in kerosene.”